The Conflict of Interest in the Febrie Case

4 hours ago 25
Deputy Attorney General for Special Crimes (Jampidsus) Febrie Adriansyah attends a state fund recovery handover witnessed by President Prabowo Subianto at the Attorney General's Office in Jakarta, December 24, 2025. Prior to being named a suspect in July 2026, Febrie led major corruption investigations into Jiwasraya, Asabri, crude palm oil (CPO), and tin commodity trading. TEMPO/Imam Sukamto

Suspected corruption involving the former Deputy Attorney General for Special Crimes is just one of many examples of a conflict of interest. Prabowo and Jokowi also engaged in such conflicts.

THE case involving Febrie Adriansyah, former Deputy Attorney General for Special Crimes, is riddled with conflicts of interest. Investigated by the Attorney General’s Office (AGO)—Febrie’s former office—the case is characterized by those in power attempting to utilize the situation against one another.

The first apparent conflict of interest is the National Police turning the case over to the special crimes division of the AGO, which Febrie once led. Logically, how could prosecutors objectively investigate the alleged corruption of one of their former superiors? Moreover, the case implicating Febrie is related to a scandal previously investigated by the very same prosecutors. Turning the case over to the prosecutor’s office can be interpreted as a way of localizing this case.

Turning over the investigation into the case is also a compromise, whereby the prosecutors would downplay the investigation into corruption within the government’s free nutritious meal (MBG) project, in which several high-ranking police officers have been implicated. Shortly after the case was turned over, the AGO stopped collecting data on problematic nutrition fulfillment service units, particularly in Central Java, the province with the largest number of police-owned MBG kitchens. Most of these kitchens are managed by the Kemala Bhayangkari Foundation, led by the wife of National Police Chief Gen. Listyo Sigit Prabowo and the wife of Deputy National Police Chief Commr. Gen. Dedi Prasetyo.

Febrie’s alleged corruption also implicates a coal businessman from Kalimantan known to be close to President Prabowo Subianto. This magazine found that Febrie is suspected of using dozens of companies headed by his associates to conceal corrupted funds. One of the companies in question partnered with a business owner who is close to the President.

Thus, when Prabowo instructed the police to turn Febrie’s case over to the prosecutors, he was actually engaged in a conflict of interest. This is besides the fact that Febrie has close ties to high-ranking military officials and officials within the President’s inner circle. If Febrie’s entire network is exposed, they could all be implicated. This is a plausible explanation as to why Prabowo asked that Febrie Adriansyah’s alleged extortion and money laundering be handled quietly.

In many developed countries, conflicts of interest are seriously investigated, as they can lead to corruption, abuse of power, and unfair treatment. Furthermore, conflicts of interest pose a threat to public trust and government integrity. In Indonesia, although those things are prohibited by law, this principle has long been discarded.

When Joko Widodo was president, he set a poor precedent through the Constitutional Court’s decision to approve Gibran Rakabuming Raka to run as a vice-presidential candidate. In the general election, Jokowi mobilized state resources to campaign for an election win for that son of his. He also did not stop his other son, Kaesang Pangarep, from conducting business with parties with vested interests and using the private jet of a Singaporean businessman who conducts business in Indonesia.

Conflicts of interest have not diminished under the Prabowo administration. For instance, holding multiple cabinet positions has become increasingly common. Some government officials are appointed not on merit, but due to their political affinity.

When potential conflicts of interest arise in countries that uphold the rule of law, public officials choose to recuse themselves from decision-making. Cases that could potentially face interference from the authorities are handled by independent investigators and prosecutors. One example of this was the formation of a special team of prosecutors in South Korea to investigate Choi Soon-sil, a close associate of then-President Park Geun-hye, who traded influence to obtain billions of won from a conglomerate.

It is difficult to expect that Febrie Adriansyah’s case will be handled like was done in South Korea. A government born of conflicting interests and disregard for the law cannot be expected to uphold the law.

Read the Complete Story in Tempo English Magazine


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