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TEMPO.CO, Yogyakarta - Indonesian students in Melbourne, Australia, staged a "Dark Indonesia" rally protesting the policies of President Prabowo Subianto and Vice President Gibran Rakabuming Raka on Saturday, March 1, 2025.
The "Melbourne Moves" demonstration took place at the State Library of Victoria from 3:00 to 5:00 pm local time. One of the organizers, Ulya Niami Jamson, stated that the protest focused on advocating for democracy, opposing militarism, and demanding improved welfare in Indonesia.
The University of Melbourne PhD candidate asserted that President Prabowo's first 100 days in office revealed increasingly authoritarian tendencies reminiscent of the New Order regime.
"The reform and democracy of the Indonesian people, which were achieved through blood and tears, are threatened to be buried under Prabowo's militaristic, masculine, and paternalistic leadership," said Pipin, Ulya Niami Jamson's nickname, to Tempo via WhatsApp message on Saturday, March 1, 2025.
Pipin emphasized that the "Dark Indonesia" demonstration was more than just a slogan; it was a form of resistance. The demonstrators presented several studies and key points in their protest. They observed that the Prabowo government was attempting to revive the Soeharto New Order.
Furthermore, there were inflations in the cabinet structure and appointments of Prabowo's close associates to strategic ministerial positions, institutions, new agencies, and special staff, which amounted to nepotism, opening the door wide to political-business interests and corruption.
Prabowo blatantly demonstrated how the oligarchy functioned through the consolidation and domination of power, manipulation of the system, and control of resources. This situation was evident from the Indonesia Maju Coalition's victory in the gubernatorial elections in 26 provinces, according to various mass media reports.
Another concern was the weakening of the judiciary under the guise of improving judges' living standards, resulting in a justice system subject to power, not independence. On February 20, 2025, Prabowo invited judges to the State Palace after attending the Supreme Court's annual report event the previous day.
"Control over the House of Representatives and the Corruption Eradication Commission has violated the principle of checks and balances, making the law no longer a tool of justice, but a weapon to silence political opponents," said Pipin.
The independence of the judiciary is guaranteed in the 1945 Constitution. However, Prabowo intervened in the judiciary's independence by directing judges. In the constitutional system, the president is not authorized to direct judges.
Judges embody independent and impartial judicial power, working to balance the abuse of authority by rulers with the principles of the rule of law.
Judges are not tools of the government or rulers. However, Prabowo's direction at the State Palace indicated that the government seemed to view judges and the judiciary as tools of the rulers that would support all government policies.
On the other hand, the judiciary must also uphold its dignity as independent and impartial judges. According to Pipin, democracy in Indonesia was also under serious threat. The three branches of state power, based on the concept of Trias Politica, were intervened in and weakened by the Prabowo administration.
The Prabowo government seemed to have a goal: slowly eliminating the checks and balances between the three branches of power.
Efforts to weaken the legislature were also evident from the formation of the Indonesia Maju Coalition. A large coalition without a strong opposition would tend to abuse power due to weak oversight by the House of Representatives as the legislative body.
This situation was reflected in policies implemented in a "trial and error" fashion, such as the ban on the sale of 3 kg Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG) at retail, which impoverished the people. However, the House of Representatives did not respond much and oversee.
In addition, the formation of the Red and White Cabinet, consisting of more than 110 ministers, deputy ministers, and officials equivalent to ministers, was a bloated cabinet formed to perpetuate the oligarchy and enact policies without a scientific basis, benefiting only those who supported Prabowo-Gibran in the 2024 presidential election.
The formation of a coalition and a bloated cabinet full of conflicts of interest, where many officials in the government held dual positions and used their authority for personal and family interests, was also criticized.
Amid numerous national strategic projects taken to court and policies implemented through trial and error, the role of the judiciary was crucial in checking not only the government but also the House of Representatives.
The demonstrators also highlighted press freedom as the fourth pillar of democracy, which was now on the brink of destruction. For example, the meeting between Prabowo and the chief editors of mass media during the escalation of the "Dark Indonesia" movement.
Another issue was the narrowing freedom of expression and opinion of citizens through alternative channels, which was becoming increasingly risky due to criminalization. Media censorship became more prevalent through the expansion of government oversight functions and apparatuses that facilitated silencing critical voices through art, comments on social media, or everyday conversations.
The government continued to manipulate, distort, and suppress public narratives, for example, through the hijacking of the "Indonesia Terang" hashtag by influencers and buzzers using public funds. The opportunity for public participation in monitoring state administration was suppressed through programs and policies that lacked public participation and could not be overseen. These programs were not accountable and opened the door to massive corruption.
Prabowo's militaristic style of leadership posed a real threat to civilian life. Firstly, Prabowo ignored the demand for reform to abolish the dual function of the Indonesian National Army. Instead, he reinstated the army's dual function by selecting active military personnel for cabinet positions and other civilian sectors.
Furthermore, Prabowo also intended to increase the number of military area and regional command units. This was a warning sign for Indonesia of a repressive pattern from the past, where the military had full control over the political and social life of the Indonesian people.
His masculinity and paternalism had the potential to marginalize vulnerable groups such as women and children.
The reintroduction of the Military/Police Bill in the national legislative program showed the concrete steps taken by the Prabowo government to strengthen the power of the authorities in civilian areas, which could potentially create conflicting interests.
Militarism was also evident in programs such as executive and regional leadership retreats to military education and training centers and the Indonesian Development Activist Bachelor program. The military was also involved in the Free Nutritious Meals program.
Various programs and policies of the Prabowo government used a top-down, dictatorial, and anti-critic military spirit. These programs were born without comprehensive studies, such as the Free Nutritious Meals program, 3-kg LPG policy, Danantara, and budget cuts that benefited only Prabowo's cronies and associates.
Contradictory to the tightening of budgets that had a significant impact on vulnerable public services, Prabowo squandered state funds by appointing incapable and problematic officials, living extravagantly, and receiving incentives on every visit abroad.
Criticism, input, and aspirations voiced by the people were not just ignored but also repressed and persecuted, such as what happened to the Sukatani artist friends and the ban on Yos Suprapto's paintings. Violence and the mobilization of military personnel became a tool to silence critical voices, even through digital attacks.
Under the militaristic government, violence and human rights violations had become commonplace. Amid the grandeur of the "Red and White" cabinet, which consisted of hundreds of ministers, deputy ministers, and special staff, budget cuts occurred. This led to a reduction in education and public welfare budgets, including for disabled groups, women, and children. Consequently, the protection services for vulnerable groups could not function optimally.
Pipin cited that the budget for the Witness and Victim Protection Agency, National Commission on Violence against Women, National Commission for Disabled People (KDN), and Indonesian Child Protection Commission (KPAI) had been slashed. Meanwhile, in 2024, data showed that 7.6 million children were subjected to violence and 290 women and girls fell victim to femicide. Cuts in the budget for disabled groups up to 90 percent would affect the advocacy and fulfillment of the rights of 22 million people with disabilities in Indonesia.
She also mentioned that academics were forced to collaborate with state-owned and regional state-owned enterprises to manage mines, causing campuses to lose their critical voice in environmental issues. On the other hand, extractive projects such as the food estate in Merauke, deforestation, and mining management worsened the lives of vulnerable communities and encroached on the living space of indigenous communities. This situation worsened because the Indigenous Peoples Bill was not immediately passed, while the Mining Law was not promptly enacted.
The Prabowo government seemed to prioritize the interests of the oligarchy over the welfare of the people. Good governance, she said, was just a slogan, without in-depth research, and policies were made in a haphazard manner and missed the mark. "Instead of improving the standard of living, what happened actually showed an increasing social and economic inequality," said Pipin.
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