A New Way to Control Senayan

3 hours ago 10

October 29, 2025 | 01:52 pm

TEMPO.CO, Jakarta - Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin takes over the President’s political communications, long dominated by Sufmi Dasco Ahmad. A new balance or new tensions?

WHAT can we read from the maneuvering by Defense Minister Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin through his recent meetings with the leaders of political parties supporting the government?

Firstly, it opens another avenue of political communication with President Prabowo Subianto, which had been monopolized by Gerindra Executive Chair Sufmi Dasco Ahmad. Secondly, the military has begun to involve itself in political party matters, which could erode civil supremacy.

Sjafrie held back-to-back meetings with National Democrat (NasDem) Party General Chair Surya Paloh and Justice and Prosperity Party (PKS) President Mohamad Sohibul Iman at the Ministry of Defense on Jalan Merdeka Barat, Central Jakarta, in mid-October 2025. These were not usual meetings because there is no connection between party political matters and Sjafrie’s position as Minister of Defense. It was later revealed that the meeting originated from an invitation by Sjafrie to the two top officials from parties in Prabowo’s supporting coalition.

Prior to this, Sjafrie was reportedly met by high-ranking officials from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), who complained about their internal problems. This meeting was not disclosed to the public and escaped media scrutiny. Following this, a number of other party leaders are also lining up to meet with the 1974 Military Academy graduate.

Sjafrie’s move to openly establish political communications with party leaders changes the landscape. At the beginning of his presidency at the end of last year, three persons supported Prabowo: Sufmi Dasco took care of politics and law enforcement institutions; Sjafrie was responsible for the military; and Hashim Djojohadikusumo, Prabowo’s younger brother, looked after economic matters.

As Prabowo’s anchor in political affairs, Dasco has been kept busy. Although ‘only’ Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives (DPR), he controlled all the political parties. And aside from legislation and lawmaking, he also managed state budgeting matters.

Thanks to Dasco, many of the government’s wishes that needed the stamp from Senayan were implemented quickly, without lengthy debates between factions in the DPR. Politicians who disagreed could only grumble in the background. This happened with the revisions to the Indonesian Military (TNI) Law and the State-Owned Enterprises Law, as well as the passing of the 2026 State Budget.

Therefore, when Sjafrie’s role becomes more prominent, it is as if the party leaders have found a new way to convey their aspirations to Prabowo. The rise of Sjafrie is a direct result of the demonstrations that ended with riots at the end of August 2025, in which the private homes of several DPR members and the then Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati were attacked and looted by unidentified mobs. Dasco vanished for several days and evacuated his family to a safer place. Police reports showed the soldiers’ role in the incidents was quite significant.

Because they are both vying for Prabowo’s influence, relations between Sjafrie and Dasco have long been strained. Sjafrie is an old military colleague of Prabowo’s, while Dasco is the leader of the Gerindra Party, which made Prabowo president. It is impossible that Prabowo does not know about Sjafrie’s establishing communications with the political parties, which encroaches on Dacso’s role. And it is not impossible that it was Prabowo who encouraged Sjafrie to do so in order to create a new balance.

There is nothing new about power struggles and weakening political parties. The 1974 Malari incident was believed to be a result of rivalry between General Soemitro, Commander of the Restoration of Security and Order Operations, and Ali Moertopo, President Suharto’s personal assistant, as they competed for the President’s influence. Meanwhile, the parties were weak and compliant following their weakening the year before. Through the 1973 parties’ fusion, the New Order regime emasculated the parties and placed them firmly under the government’s thumb.

Half a century after the fusion of the parties, not much has changed. The parties have abandoned their independence and are competing to join the government. Those close to the President are jostling to become trusted individuals. Meanwhile, the President has forgotten the people because he is moving chess pieces around to maintain power.

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