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By: Linda Yanti Sulistiawati, Senior Research Fellow, Asia-Pacific Centre for Environmental Law (APCEL), National University of Singapore, Singapore, and Assoc. Prof of Law in Universitas Gadjah Mada, Indonesia.
Indonesia has committed to achieving net zero emissions by 2060 or sooner, aligning with global efforts to limit temperature rise under the Paris Agreement. This target reflects the country’s recognition of its dual role as both a significant emitter of greenhouse gases (GHG) and a vulnerable nation facing the adverse effects of climate change. Indonesia’s net-zero pathway emphasizes a gradual shift away from coal dependency, which currently dominates its energy mix, towards renewable energy sources. The government aims to achieve this through a combination of policy reforms, technological advancements, and international cooperation, as reflected in its enhanced Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). However, achieving this ambitious goal will require addressing massive systemic challenges such as the high reliance on coal and reducing deforestation, increasing the slow pace of renewable energy development, addressing the financing gaps, and the socio-economic implications of transitioning to a low-carbon economy (APCEL Indonesian Series, 2024).
The Prabowo administration's approach to Indonesia's just transition combines continuity with elements of change, reflecting both opportunities and challenges (IISD, 2024). The administration has highlighted Indonesia's potential to emerge as a "green energy superpower" by leveraging renewable energy sources such as solar, wind, and geothermal, along with bioenergy initiatives (climateworkscentre.org, 2024). This builds on previous efforts, such as the Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP), aimed at phasing out coal and boosting renewable investments. Policies to reduce red tape, incentivize renewable energy projects, and support green technologies like carbon capture have been indicated as strategic priorities (thediplomat.com, 2024).
However, concerns persist about the administration's reliance on coal and other fossil fuels. Indonesia’s coal industry remains a powerful player, complicating decarbonization efforts. While Prabowo has emphasized energy self-sufficiency, critics worry about delays in implementing "sensitive" regulations, insufficient regulatory reforms, and the centralization of authority, which could hinder regional progress (climateworkscentre.org, 2024). Moreover, bioenergy strategies tied to deforestation risks and land use challenges raise further issues. The administration must balance economic goals, global climate commitments, and equity to ensure meaningful progress in Indonesia’s just transition (APCEL Indonesian Series, 2024).
There are a few things worth caution about.
First, this administration seems to inundate environmental objectives with economic priority. The influence of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and local conglomerates within the energy and natural resources sector can be expected to grow (APCEL Indonesian Series, 2024). This increase aligns with the president-elect’s longstanding advocacy of self-sufficiency and sovereignty in strategic industries, which often means policies that prioritize domestic players. The strategic focus may include leveraging SOEs and local conglomerates to achieve specific national objectives, including ramping up the development of downstream natural resources industries (eco-business.com, 2024), boosting the production of oil and gas (climateworks.org, 2024), environmentally damaging food estate projects (Mongabay.com, 2024), and accelerating the energy transition (eco-business.com, 2024).
One of the main focuses of this administration as a solution to climate change is carbon trading. This is formally forwarded by the head of the Indonesian delegation to COP 29 in Baku, Azerbaijan, Hashim S Djojohadikusumo. During the high-level speech at COP 29, Hasyim (the brother of the President and a business tycoon) indicated that Indonesia is committed to developing a robust carbon market, starting with optimizing 557 million tons of verified carbon credits available in the country. These are false solutions to the climate crisis as they would allow companies to keep emitting carbon as long as they buy carbon credit (Mongabay.com, 2024). The administration is treating climate change as a business opportunity rather than a crisis that needs urgent action (Mongabay.com, 2024).
Second, new administration, old problems. Despite its fresh mandate, the administration must confront systemic challenges that have plagued the nation for decades. These problems are not merely relics of the past but active barriers to progress, demanding urgent and strategic solutions(climateworks.com, 2024). These core challenges—such as systemic corruption, unclear land tenure, regulatory inefficiencies, declining trust in government, and democratic backsliding (Mongabay.com, 2024)—have persisted for years, deeply affecting the nation both mentally and environmentally. If the new administration fails to tackle these lingering problems, meaningful progress will remain elusive.
The new administration needs to acknowledge these problems and take steps to resolve them. Transparency, inclusivity, reform, accountability, and innovation in addressing governance and development challenges are needed. Without decisive action to address these inherited issues, the administration risks entrenching a cycle of stagnation and deepening public dissatisfaction.
Third, if untreated, all of this might lead to superficial environmentalism: performative gestures, greenwashing, and piecemeal actions that lack depth will pose a barrier to genuine sustainability.
If efforts such as renewable energy, bioenergy, carbon trading, etc. are used as coverups for environmental exploitations, the real danger of environmental degradation and climate disasters will come in hundreds of folds for the Indonesian people.
Corporations (including SoEs) must abandon greenwashing tactics that mislead consumers with eco-friendly branding while continuing harmful practices, and instead invest in genuinely sustainable supply chains, renewable energy, and circular economy models. The government must implement robust, enforceable legislation that prioritizes long-term environmental health.
Educational systems should emphasize environmental literacy, enabling citizens to distinguish between meaningful action and superficial efforts. Media and civil society have a critical role in holding both public and private actors accountable, exposing hollow initiatives while championing impactful projects. This transformation also requires inclusive participation, particularly from marginalized communities that bear the brunt of environmental degradation, ensuring that solutions are equitable and holistic. Ultimately, solving superficial environmentalism demands a cultural shift—one that values integrity over appearance, systemic change over short-term gains, and collective responsibility over fragmented efforts.
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