General Election Commission Chair, Mochammad Afifuddin: There is a deficit of trust in the KPU

October 26, 2024 | 01:07 pm

TEMPO.CO, Jakarta - KPU Chair Mochammad Afifuddin on turbulence within his institution following the dismissal of Hasyim Asy'ari, and the Constitutional Court's decision on the regional head elections.

Mochammad Afifuddin inherited a crisis when he was elected Chair of the General Election Commission (KPU) on July 28, 2024. He replaced Hasyim Asy’ari, who was dismissed after being convicted of sexual violence against a member of the Overseas Election Committee in Den Haag, Netherlands. Hasyim’s dismissal marked the fourth sanction imposed by the Election Committee Ethics Council on a KPU leader throughout 2024.

Before Afifuddin completed his first month as the new KPU Chief, the Constitutional Court issued a ruling regarding the nomination requirements for regional heads. The ruling eliminated the minimum requirement of 20 percent of seats in the Regional Legislative Council (DPRD) or 25 percent of valid votes to nominate a candidate. The Constitutional Court based the threshold percentage on the number of voters in the region rather than the number of seats in the DPRD. The Court also ruled that the age requirement for gubernatorial and deputy gubernatorial candidates is 30 years at the time of the nomination confirmation.

This ruling disrupted several scenarios, from the maneuvers to form a ‘fat’ coalition, as done by the Indonesia Onward Coalition Plus—an alliance of parties supporting Prabowo Subianto—to the plans of President Joko Widodo’s youngest son, Kaesang Pangarep, who reportedly intended to compete in the regional elections. Kaesang, now the General Chair of the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI), was not old enough at the time of the candidate determination stage.

At that time, there were suspicions that the KPU would not comply with the Constitutional Court’s ruling. Afifuddin recounted that he had to leak some details from consultation meetings with the House of Representatives (DPR) and hold multiple press conferences in a single day to reassure the public. “This took a toll on my emotions,” he said at the KPU office in Jalan Imam Bonjol, Central Jakarta, on Monday, September 30.

During those critical days, there were countless protests in front of the KPU office. Some of the protesters demanded that Afifuddin and his colleagues sign a statement agreeing to resign if they did not comply with the Constitutional Court’s ruling. His sleep was reduced to just three hours a day due to marathon meetings responding to the Court’s decision. “I lost my voice from trying to manage everyone else’s concerns,” he chuckled.

In about a month, the voting stage for the 2024 regional head elections would commence. According to Mochammad Afifuddin, the simultaneous elections this year made it difficult for the KPU to evaluate performance and address shortcomings ahead of the regional elections. “There isn’t enough time to catch our breath,” he told Tempo journalists Raymundus Rikang, Sunudyantoro, and Yosea Arga Pramudita. In an interview lasting over an hour, the former member of the General Election Supervisory Agency also explained allegations of government intervention in the election process.

How ready is the KPU for the 2024 regional head elections?

The institutional challenge is that there is no break between the presidential election and the regional head elections. This is the first experiment with simultaneous elections. We have considered the process, but we did not anticipate it would be this complicated.

What are the problems?

We are currently evaluating the implementation of the 2024 General Elections, but at the same time, the regional head election stages are already underway. There is not enough time to catch our breath. We must face various legal rulings, such as pre-trial hearings, the Supreme Court, and the Constitutional Court, which coincide with the stages of the election.

On the Constitutional Court’s ruling on the candidate nomination threshold and the age requirement for gubernatorial candidates, do you think your institution is no longer trusted?

There is a deficit of trust in the KPU. We have to hold meetings and press conferences every day to explain the same material more than twice. I leaked all the materials from the meetings with the DPR regarding the nomination requirements to reassure the public. This is no longer makes sense.

You also monitor public satisfaction surveys about your institution? 

We have not done this specifically. However, we see from the Litbang Kompas survey in September that the trust is still relatively high, around 63 percent. This survey was conducted after the Constitutional Court’s ruling. Prior to that, the trust was higher. The ruling served as a turning point that caused public trust to decline.

Are you worried about this situation?

We are overwhelmed. The KPU’s stance is the same as when the Constitutional Court ruled on the age requirements for the presidential and vice-presidential candidates. We are in a very difficult situation. We must harmonize and consult with the DPR, but the public does not trust the word “consultation.” Meanwhile, we could face serious warnings if we do not harmonize and consult.

In addition to the election matters, there is the case involving Hasyim Asy’ari that the KPU is facing. How does this impact the institution?

I appreciate all feedback and apologize for any shortcomings. I have no burden whatsoever to say that. It must be acknowledged that there is an impact on the institution. During the first two weeks of my tenure as KPU Chair, I was bombarded with criticism. It felt as though everything we did was wrong. That is our challenge because we have extraordinary authority. The KPU determines who becomes the president and who the elected members of the DPR are. With such responsibility and authority, we are aware that public control is also significant.

Read the Full Interview in Tempo English Magazine

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